Irreversible robotisation of citizenship (virus, necrophagous capitalism and optimisation of democratic fascism)
Robotización irreversible de la ciudadanía (virus, capitalismo necrófago y optimización del fascismo democrático)
Robotização irreversível da cidadania (vírus, capitalismo necrófago e otimização do fascismo democrático)
Pedro García Olivo
Anti-pedagogue and former teacher. Critic of Western democratic societies. PhD in Contemporary History (Universidad de Murcia).
https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4329-8364
https://dialnet.unirioja.es/servlet/autor?codigo=532485
pedrogarciaolivo@gmail.com
Abstract
The ‘Intelligence of Capital’ and the warning of the Biosphere. The deep hygiene of the System and the bill paid by the most vulnerable. The ‘concentration camp’ model. The exploitation of health crises to implement modes of absolute submission. The time for Civil Disobedience in the face of the necrophilous rehabilitation of Capitalism. The features of this necrophilous and ghoul, strictly morbid reinvention of the mercantile society. Sublimated ‘political medicine’. Social hygiene. The renewal of company and business models. The advance of ‘tele-education’. Citizenship eugenics. The overcoming of the Police of the Self in the Citizen-Robot. The instantaneousness of their obedience, beyond life under ‘employment mode.’ The triple domination (governmental, communal and personal). The intensification of the psychosocial effects of Fear. Political medicine and postcard environmentalism. ‘Necessities’, “rights” and ‘medical nemesis’ in Ivan Illich. ‘Internal critique’ and philosophical denial of scientism. What about if, at least, we try to escape the shit around us?
Keywords: Capitalism, Covid-19, human ecology, education, philosophy, medicine, critical thinking, politics, sociology, viruses.
Resumen
La “Inteligencia del Capital” y la advertencia de la Biosfera. La higiene profunda del Sistema y la factura pagada por los más vulnerables. El modelo del “campo de concentración.” El aprovechamiento de las crisis sanitarias para implementar modalidades de sumisión absoluta. La hora de la Desobediencia Civil ante la rehabilitación necrófila del Capitalismo. Los rasgos de esta reinvención necrófila y necrófaga, estrictamente morbosa, de la sociedad mercantil. La “medicina política” sublimada. La “higiene social.” La renovación de los modelos de empresa y de negocio. El avance de la “tele-educación.” La eugenesia ciudadanista. La superación del Policía de Sí Mismo en el Ciudadano-Robot. La instantaneidad de su obediencia, más allá de la vida bajo “modo de empleo.” La triple dominación (gubernamental, comunitaria y personal). La intensificación de los efectos psicosociales del Miedo. Medicina política y ecologismo de postal. “Necesidades”, “derechos” y “némesis médica” en Iván Illich. “Crítica interna” y denegación filosófica de la cientificidad. ¿Qué tal si, al menos, intentamos escapar de la mierda que nos rodea?
Palabras clave: Capitalismo, Covid-19, ecología humana, educación, filosofía, medicina, pensamiento crítico, política, sociología, virus.
Resumo
A “Inteligência do Capital” e o alerta da Biosfera. A higiene profunda do Sistema e a fatura paga pelos mais vulneráveis. O modelo do “campo de concentração”. A exploração das crises sanitárias para implementar modos de submissão absoluta. O tempo da Desobediência Civil face à reabilitação necrófila do Capitalismo. As caraterísticas desta reinvenção necrófila e necrófaga, estritamente mórbida, da sociedade mercantil. A “medicina política” sublimada. A higiene social. A renovação dos modelos de empresa e de negócio. O avanço da “tele-educação”. A eugenia cidadã. A superação da polícia do eu no cidadão-robô. A instantaneidade da sua obediência, para além da vida em “modo de emprego”. A tripla dominação (governamental, comunitária e pessoal). A intensificação dos efeitos psicossociais do Medo. A medicina política e o ecologismo do postal. “Necessidades”, ‘direitos’ e “némesis médica” em Ivan Illich. “Crítica interna” e negação filosófica do cientificismo. Que tal pelo menos tentar escapar à merda que nos rodeia?
Palavras-chave: Capitalismo, Covid-19, ecologia humana, educação, filosofia, medicina, pensamento crítico, política, sociologia, vírus.
Introduction
“"Society, not out of tenderness,
but driven by its strange necessities,
had taken care of the two men,
forbidding them all independent thought,
all initiative,
all deviation from routine;
and it had forbidden these things under penalty of death.
They could only go on living on the condition
that they became like machines."
J. Conrad, An Outpost of Progress (2017)
1. Theory of Necrophagous Capitalism and the Robot-Citizen
1.1 Central Thesis
A) “Intelligence of Capital” and the Biosphere’s Warning
The “Intelligence of Capital” has responded to the warning issued by the Biosphere: it can no longer tolerate “unlimited growth,” even when cloaked in the language of “sustainability.” It became necessary to halt this frenzied race toward “the end of everything” (Soloviev, 2024), and to orchestrate episodes of destruction-regeneration -controlled self-devastation- so that the System could perpetuate itself in a new form.
Intermittent “demolitions,” “collapses,” and “acute crises” were required to bring about the bankruptcy of many companies and the emergence of others; the failure of established businesses and the rise of new ones; the decline of traditional profit-making models and the ascent of alternative pathways to wealth. This would constitute a “salutary” catharsis-renewal of the economy, like the one Europe experienced after the two World Wars, or what Germany underwent following the collapse of the Nazi dream. A contemporary example is the current “global conflagration of the State against society,” which initially exploited the Coronavirus crisis to violently restructure capitalism (García, 2024).
B) Deep “hygiene” of the System and a bill paid by the most vulnerable
This rejuvenation of the “market society” (K. Polanyi, in Besbris et al., 2024), this deep cleansing of the established order, requires the removal of large segments of its diseased or aging tissues —those deemed unproductive: the elderly, migrants, Indigenous peoples, the homeless, and the poor in general. The human cost of this criminal “purification” will be borne by the dispossessed, the vulnerable, and the most exploited and oppressed, thereby further entrenching social fracture (community division, class segregation).
C) The “Concentration Camp” Model
During the Covid-19 pandemic, a version of the “concentration camp” model was implemented —though with one significant difference. People were confined to their homes and permitted to go out only to work or to buy food: much like in Auschwitz. The difference lies here: in the forced labor and extermination camps, no one consented to such confinement, while we, by contrast, welcomed this “house arrest” and voluntarily submitted, complying with the directives issued by the State. Like dutiful self-policing subjects, we internalized Auschwitz in both heart and mind (Goldhagen, 2019).
D) The Exploitation of Health Crises to Implement Modalities of Absolute Submission
It is clear that two distinct processes occurred —and will continue to occur: on the one hand, a legitimate fight against disease; on the other, and more insidiously, a systematic exploitation of the health crisis to implement modalities of absolute submission, binding both individuals and communities ever more tightly to the dictates of State power and Capital.
Already during the Covid era, amid the exaggerated displays of the State’s repressive apparatus (police, military) that lasted for many days -and which disproportionately targeted the homeless, the displaced, ordinary citizens seeking to take a walk or rest on a park bench, bewildered individuals fined for venturing outdoors, friends punished for attempting to weather confinement together, and so on-, another, potentially anthropological, dimension of the crisis came sharply into focus: it became evident that citizens, frightened and terrorized by the media, not only consented to this surveillance, this visible display of power, this offensive presence of enforcers, this saturation of public spaces with uniforms, weapons, military boots, and police batons… but they demanded it, even celebrated it. We became our own jailers.
E) The Time for Civil Disobedience Against the Necrophilic Rehabilitation of Capitalism
The time has come for “deep disobedience” in response to this perverse strategy of regenerating market society. We must abandon the illusion that the State -with its coercive and ideological apparatus- is “doing us a favor” and instead begin to act in our own interests. We must gather, organize, and act in solidarity, especially with those who are now suffering most under this deceit: the most precarious, the marginalized, the outcasts who have been targeted for psychic annihilation and future destitution.
“Civil disobedience” and “conscientious objection” are needed to reclaim the eroded values of mutual support, reciprocal giving, and both individual and communal self-regulation (Vargas, 2023). A wary disobedience: one that rejects any new iterations of the kind of “meter-and-a-half separation between people” that sought to hyper-individualize us, to pit us against one another in a frantic pursuit of isolation. Now is the time for handshakes and embraces as acts of resistance.
It is the time to disobey -not for mere personal pleasure or misguided hedonism- but to invent or revive networks of community-based mutual aid, insubordinate forms of individual and trans-individual cooperation, and strategies for neutralizing this “global war of States against society.”
Illness must no longer serve as a pretext for further shackling us with the chains of administrative and market control. Beyond this, it is essential to reclaim the right of communities to exist and flourish outside -and even against- the domination of the State (Feldmann & Luna, 2022). We must affirm both a personal and collective yearning to live freely.
1.2 Features of this Necrophilic and Necrophagous Reinvention of Market Society. A Strictly Morbid Transformation
A) Sublimated “Political Medicine”
It has long been understood that all medicine is, by definition, “political,” as Ivan Illich (2022; Blázquez, 2021) repeatedly emphasized. Many of us have experienced this politicization of healthcare, psychiatry being a particularly striking example. Today, however, this political-medical identity has become fully sublimated. We have witnessed the rise of “contact tracers,” hired as a new kind of detective tasked with tracking the “contacts” of any infected person; the introduction of geolocators to monitor basic population movements under the pretext of safeguarding public health; and looming on the horizon -still distant, perhaps, but not unthinkable- the ambition to implant devices in every human being that would enable the real-time tracking of all physical, medical, social, and political behavior (Estulin, 2022).
B) “Social Hygiene”
A significant proportion of the “non-productive” population will be discarded. Those deemed “less useful,” and who are seen as a social expense, are now exposed to death through war and pandemics. A guillotine now hangs permanently over the heads of the elderly, poor migrants, the precariously employed, and the existentially “irregular.”
C) Transformation of Business Models
Many businesses will collapse, leading to unemployment and financial hardship, while new entrepreneurial styles and novel production and commerce models will emerge. Many of these new enterprises will adopt the “tele-” label, built upon the profit-driven exploitation of digital, cyber, and virtual technologies.
D) The Expansion of “Tele-Education”
Schools will increasingly prepare to shed their physical walls and the traditional model of confining youth within buildings, replacing these with virtual enclosures, this time imprisoning students in front of computer screens. The authoritarian role of the teacher will remain intact, perhaps even reinforced; pedagogy will continue to govern the entire process, oriented toward the “social adaptation” of children… in other words, their pruning and taming (García, 2020). The classroom -long an arbitrary and infanticidal institution- will now be increasingly “digital.” That is the essential shift.
E) Eugenics promoting “citizenship”
We have finally arrived at the creation of the “New Man,” a psychological product who has accepted, and will continue to accept, “confinement”; who tolerates the meticulous regulation of everyday life; who places a disturbingly fatal trust in political leaders, doctors, political-epidemiologists, and political-virologists. This New Man is a robot, both more and less than a slave: capable of absolute and instantaneous submission to ever-changing, often arbitrary rules; self-repression; and surrender to the three modes of control (despotic, communal, personal).
1.3 The Evolution from the Self-Policing Citizen to the Citizen-Robot
A) Instantaneous Obedience Beyond the “Instruction Manual” for Life
The Self-Policing Citizen has now been “superseded” (absorbed and modified, though not abolished) by the figure of the Citizen-Robot. The former was defined by deep, sustained psychic docility—by organizing life according to a pre-established “instruction manual” (G. Perec, in Panadero, 2022), internalized from birth: be a good child, student, worker, spouse, parent, homeowner, tourist, retiree, and ultimately, a good corpse.
Building on this foundation, the Citizen-Robot exhibits an additional layer: mechanical acquiescence to ever-changing, oscillating directives, sometimes contradictory or random. Now masks are required; now they are not. Now curfew is at 10 p.m.; now midnight; now 2 a.m.; now no curfew; now once again strict limits. Now gatherings are allowed with cohabitants; now with a variable number of acquaintances; now with anyone; now again with nearly no one. And obedience was instantaneous.
B) Triple Domination (Governmental, Communal, Personal)
The Citizen-Robot revives two archaic forms of domination that were merely subsidiary in the Self-Policing Citizen. First, “direct despotism,” an overt form of subjugation enforced by government, through executive and judicial power: new laws, regulations, mandates that populations are expected to obey. Second, “communal coercion,” expressed through social surveillance by fellow citizens (“balcony policing”), denunciations, public shaming, harassment, and peer pressure to conform, to avoid dissent, difference, or “denial.” Third, self-control, self-surveillance, and self-repression persist, now often accompanied by “bad conscience,” a sense of guilt, an awareness of one’s own surrender, cowardice, or impotence… as if walking with a handkerchief over one’s nose to block the unbearable stench of one’s own complicity.
C) The Intensification of the Psychosocial Effects of Fear
We distinguish between “fear” and “dread” (S. Kierkegaard): fear is a positive response to concrete danger, activating vital energies for fight or flight; dread, by contrast, is linked to paralysis and acceptance of “social discipline,” eroding physical, spiritual, and moral integrity. In the Citizen-Robot, “the energy to flee or resist is paralyzed” (P. Goodman, in Libértame, 2023). The dread that invades this figure: both cause and consequence of their “highly civilized self-constriction” (N. Elias, in Bustamante, 2020), a reflection of the “panic culture” that defines us (P. Sloterdijk, in Reyes, 2019) manifests both in relation to disease and to radical critiques of Western cultural forms, its sciences, and its institutions.
Facing Disease... “Doubly paralyzed” by internalized coercion and the complexity of action chains, the Citizen-Robot -consumed by dread of infection, viruses, and bacteria- represses spontaneity, instincts, and capacities for self-management of health, surrendering entirely to medical dogma, to obedience, and to the social norm.
Facing Radical Critique... Robotized humanity will deploy two defensive mechanisms: “psychic self-anesthesia” and “selective inattention.” The former -a “gentle blend of resignation, fear, impotence, and irritation” (R. J. Lifton, in Mártir, 2024)- enables tolerance of dissent, “normalization” of critiques of prevailing values and lifestyles, without feeling their sting. Labels such as “denialism” serve this anesthetic function. The latter, “selective inattention” (R. K. White, in Wessells et al., 2004; H. S. Sullivan, in Farias, 2023), “the pretense of not seeing, not feeling, not thinking despite everything one knows” (H. P. Dreitzel, in García, 2007), resembles perceptual channel surfing, flipping the inner switch to avoid confronting the morbid implications of vaccines, health systems, medical nemesis, Western science, or liberal democracy.
In the Citizen-Robot, the principle of Auschwitz is thus revived: “How much internalized coercion, how much dread, must a person accumulate to be capable of tolerating -not to mention perpetrating- the reality of Auschwitz?” This is the enduring question for both the psychology of war and the psychology of peace.
2. Political Medicine and Postcard Environmentalism
2.1 Political Medicine
A) “Needs,” “Rights,” and “Medical Nemesis” in Ivan Illich
According to Illich, there has been a transition from the realm of original need to that of disabling consumerist pseudo-need.
Original need belongs to worlds of scarcity or precariousness, what Friedrich Hölderlin (in García, 2017) poetically called “sweet poverty, humble well-being.” In such contexts, desires emerge naturally and are satisfied through free individual or communal fulfillment of those basic needs. Historically, Indigenous peoples, shepherds, and peasant communities embodied this mode of life, organized around mutual aid, reciprocal gift economies (M. Mauss, in Calvo, 2016), and dyadic “gift contracts” (G. Foster, 2009). We would be facing societies that are "communalist" in economic terms, rejecting private property and the market, and "demoslogical" in political terms (assembly-based, with practices of direct or grassroots democracy).
By contrast, postulated need belongs to affluent, wasteful societies, the “filthy well-being, pitiful enjoyment,” denounced by Nietzsche (in Pereira, 2024). Here, genuine desires are replaced by claims, demands imposed upon the state and its “tyrannical professions” to satisfy pseudo-needs. This dynamic prevails in modern urban-industrialized contexts. The consolidation of the heteronomous individual -ontologically, epistemologically, axiologically, and sociologically- has dismantled traditional forms of mutual aid, leading to the hypertrophy of induced consumption: socially polarizing, environmentally destructive, and deeply disabling to citizenship. This results in a widespread dependency on the state, what Illich identified as a kind of “toxicomania.” We are left with an order based on private appropriation of the means of production, market logic hegemony, false representative democracy, and expert rule.
This transition from original need to postulated need, mediated by the state, manifests across many domains: The natural need for health is transformed into the artificial need for doctors and hospitals, fueling consumption. Community-based care becomes a demand for social workers and assistance offices. The quest for tranquility becomes a pseudo-need for police, judges, and prisons. The desire for security morphs into dependence on armies and military installations. The formation of opinion gives way to reliance on journalists and news agencies. The basic need for mobility becomes a demand for public transport. The desire for housing is replaced by a demand for standardized housing units provided by the construction and real estate sectors. The natural activity of clothing oneself becomes entangled in the commercial fashion industry. The need for nutrition becomes dependent on the food industry and international trade. The desire for work becomes an inexorable demand for employment. The consequences of this lamentable transition are well-known: endless consumption of goods and institutional services; psychological helplessness and existential disempowerment of populations rendered “disabled” by the welfare state; and the obliteration of all forms of community self-organization. In this light, the welfare state is rightly seen as “capital’s utopia.”
Illich’s critique of rights parallels his critique of needs. Every state-conferred right encroaches upon an existing freedom: rights strengthen state power, while freedoms tend to dissolve it. The freedom to self-manage one’s own health, drawing on community-based knowledge, is displaced by the right to health, which legitimizes systematic medicalization. The freedom to learn autonomously, like breathing, is annulled by the right to education, which mandates the confinement of children in state schools. The freedom to ensure one’s own safety and contribute to communal tranquility is crushed by the right to personal security, which imposes dependence on police, courts, and military forces.
The freedom to form one’s own opinions is drowned out by a right to information that enforces institutional doxa, through schools, universities, and the media. The freedom to move independently (on foot or by bicycle) gives way to dependence on public transport. The freedom to build one’s own dwelling with others is supplanted by a right to dignified housing, entailing market dependence and standardized, pre-built housing units. The freedom to spend time creatively producing non-commodified goods is sacrificed to the right to work—which becomes an obligation to sell labor for survival in alienated, market-driven forms.
A key result of these linked processes -engineered needs supplanting natural ones, and rights curtailing freedoms- is what Illich (2022) called medical nemesis: the administrative expropriation of health, total bodily medicalization, and the counterproductive effects of institutional healthcare (which may well generate more illness than it cures). The Citizen-Robot is a mature product of this nemesis.
B) “Internal Critique” and Philosophical Rejection of Scientism
The so-called science of remedies has undergone the same fate as other disciplines since the 1960s. On one hand, an internal critique emerged, scientists themselves turned against their disciplines, denouncing political servility, practical sterility, and subordination to economic rationality. Key figures include N. Braunstein (2013) in psychology, F. Basaglia (Montagud, 2021) in psychiatry, A. Heller (Díaz, 2023) in anthropology, G. Di Siena (1974) in biology and ethology, H. Newby in rural sociology (Newby & Sevilla, 1985), M. Castells in urban sociology (Gravano, 2021), D. Harvey in geography (Shrbaji, 2021), A. Viña in mathematics, S. Latouche in linguistics (Laborda, 2017), J. Robinson in economics (Gastón, 2022), and J.-M. Lévy-Leblond (with A. Jaubert, Autocritique of the Sciences, 1973) in physics.
Simultaneously, a philosophical rejection of scientism arose from various traditions: The Frankfurt School (T.W. Adorno, M. Horkheimer), French Theory (M. Foucault, G. Deleuze), The Grenoble School (J. Baudrillard, M. Maffesoli), Anti-logocentrism (J. Derrida and others), The Cuernavaca School (around I. Illich). Unclassifiable thinkers such as G. Bataille and E. Cioran also contributed to this philosophical rejection.
2.2 Postcard Environmentalism
Already in 1991, J. Dahl -in a short essay titled The Last Illusion- advanced a radical thesis in opposition to state-sponsored environmentalism, scientistic environmentalism, and domesticated protest environmentalism: that the global ecological crisis -manifested in climate change and viral waves- cannot be solved within the liberal-capitalist system. Its deep and persistent cause lies in the productivist and consumerist logic that underpins these societies and shapes our lives.
The welfare state, ecologically unsustainable, characteristic of “developed” nations, and built upon the suffering of populations in less privileged regions, only exacerbates this problem.
Conclusions
From a logical, abstract, purely rational perspective, there is indeed a solution, yet it remains precluded by historical realities (both socio-political and psycho-cultural): namely, to abandon the globalized capitalism that the biosphere can no longer sustain, and to reinvent, drawing inspiration from subsistence-based forms of economic organization in other cultures, a way of life that is both egalitarian and aligned with what today we might call poverty. For “sustainable development” is a fiction: any form of “growth” is, by definition, ecocide; and current degrowth proposals fall drastically short, remaining entirely inadequate because they are still conceived from within the productivity ratio and under capitalism’s “principle of reality.”
In this context, three primary domains of deception emerge: First, the state and media's invitation to private and family-level environmental commitment (sorting household waste, conserving water and electricity, recycling, etc.), efforts that are negligible in the face of the massive industrial pollution and the ecological footprint of global production and transportation systems. Second, governmental and institutional programs and initiatives that verge on self-deception or outright cynicism. Third, so-called green technologies, products of science that attempt to “repair damage using the very means that caused it.”
Faced with this last illusion -the promise of planetary salvation- what remains is only to sustain, in a spirit of skepticism and despair, a modest, domestic commitment to ecological action. This is not for its effectiveness, but as a gesture of rebellion, of residual resistance, and, ultimately, of dignity.
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